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Leon Spence

Key elements of populism

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Reading Jan-Werner Muller's short and accesible book 'What is Populism' I  have been become aware of a number of aspects of the theory / ideology that I have not properly considered before and how they have presented themselves in the United Kingdom.

Muller asserts that populists parties are almost always 'internally monolithic', the charismatic head either creates a new movement (Beppe Grillo in Italy or Nigel Farage with The Brexit Party or Reform UK in the UK), or effectively takes over an existing one (arguably Donald Trump in the USA or Nigel Farage with UKIP here). Crucially in each case we witness a leader prosecuting a form of internal authoritarianism holding ultimate control of membership with rank and file followers rather than internal party democracy as we usually see in traditional political parties.

In the UK this can be clearly seen both in Mr Farage's return to party leadership prior to the 2024 election without any form of leadership contest, or his effective dispatching of internal representatives since, Rupert Lowe in what appears to be an effective challenge on policy and leadership, or James McMurdock for unacceptable behaviour.

Crucially, the power has rested with Mr Farage. It is a challenge for the future of a growing party and a concern for what happens once in power.

Interestingly, the other concept I find interesting in Muller's book (I'm still only a third of the way through) is that when in power there is no such thing as legitimate opposition

Of course, Reform UK have not (yet) been in government in the UK but is it fair to assume that if office is attained they will make an argument that they continue to represent the people even if the media reports that the wider polity disagrees? 

In the United States we have witnessed in recent months the cancellation of media outlets opposed to President Trump and widespread assertions that those cancelled do not represent 'real people'. If the polls are to be believed and in four years we have a Reform UK government , is it likely that such opposition here in Britain will be painted as illegitimate?

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Leon Spence

Who are our special relationships?

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With President Trump seemingly intent on reshaping America's relationship with Russia and Europe I have been thinking about historical precedents and in my reading have come across three passages reflecting on post-war events that have struck me as being particularly pertinent at the present time.

In his outstanding book recounting Britain's 1975 European Community referendum 'Yes to Europe!' Saunders reflects "The alliance with the United  States, sacralised by Churchill as the 'Special Relationship' pointed to another possible destiny, in the union of 'the English-Speaking Peoples' across the globe...Churchill had spoken of 'a special relationship' between Britain and Europe - the same language, interestingly, that he applied to the United States - but the sense that Europe was a partner for Britain, rather than an element in its own identity, was not uniquely Churchillian." (Saunders, 2018)

Elsewhere, Judt cites the hugely influential American diplomat George Kennan who wrote in January 1945 of the USA's potential future relationships with Russia "could we not make a decent and definite compromise with [the USSR]? - divide Europe frankly into spheres of influence - keep ourselves out of the Russian sphere and the Russians out of ours?... And within whatever sphere of action was left to us we could at least... (try) to restore life, in the wake of war, on a dignified and stable foundation." (Judt, 2005)

Judt goes on to quote US Vice-President Henry Wallace speaking on his country's relationship with Great Britain "aside from our common language and common literary tradition, we have no more in common with Imperialistic England than with Communist Russia."

The three passages above provoke a number of thoughts and questions:

  • We hear time and time again about Britain's 'special relationship', indeed it has become sacral, but we never hear or talk about our special relationship with Europe. Perhaps because of the lack of a common language we have chosen to ignore the latter special relationship to the point of effective divorce in 2020.
  • Are President Trump's intentions - even if based solely on transactionality - little more than Kennan's view? Can the world potentially sustain two superpowers with spheres of influence, effectively able to trade with each other and dictate policy, if not to the detriment of others then at least without the significant consideration of them?
  • Is there a clear and long held view in the United States that aside from that common language, and plenty of historic antagonism, that there is nothing particularly special about our two nation's relationship?

It seems to me that Britain's alliance with America has never been more strained, if - with one or two notable exceptions - it hs ever been truly strong. It seems that there is an argument, at least, that President Trump is restoring an order. 

It seems that if we believe that countries who work together are most successful then Britain should be looking to our other 'special relationship' of nearest geographic neighbours. 


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